Be it remembered that the Communist Celebration of India (Marxist), the CPIM, was fashioned within the aftermath of the Chinese language aggression in 1962, by leaders who firmly believed that China was not the aggressor and that by siding with the Authorities of India on this concern, one would solely give in to “revisionist bourgeois nationalism.” True to their founding “perfect” thus, the present crop of CPIM leaders, even in 2020, on the Galwan Valley concern, have adhered to that stance. Within the All Celebration Assembly (APM), convened by Prime Minister Modi final week, the CPIM, together with the Congress had been the one events which got here out questioning our armed forces and our Authorities, however had no phrase of castigation for the Chinese language nor for what they’d tried to do within the Galwan Valley space.
CPIM Normal Secretary Comrade Sitaram Yechury, who attended the APM resurrected, out of season, a buried “Panchshila”, a requiem to which has been sung lengthy again. The CPIM Politbureau’s assertion, issued on 16th June, 2020, condoled the loss of life and sacrifice of our Jawans as an apart, tucking-in one line someplace in between, whereas terming the Chinese language aggression and violence on our Jawans as merely “unlucky.” The assertion additionally hinted that the onus of a return to tranquillity solely lay with the Indian facet. The CPIM believes that by supporting the Authorities of India, led by Prime Minister Modi, it shall capitulate to “revisionist bourgeois nationalism.”
Not solely this, its Bengali mouthpiece, “Ganashakti”, additionally allotted disproportionate area in its paper to the Chinese language authorities’s model of what the Indian troopers had achieved. Such a brazen expression of solidarity, regardless of their making an attempt to justify or clarify it away later, generated sturdy resentment amongst a large cross part of individuals in West Bengal.
Those that had been aware of the heated political dialogue being undertaken inside the Communist celebration between its prime ideological gasbags throughout the Chinese language assault of 1962, have left an fascinating account of what transpired within the ranks of this peculiarly structured and oriented celebration which has at all times been divorced from the truth and truths of India.
P.Sundarayya, later one of many founding members of the CPIM, on the head of an influential part inside the celebration, comprising of B.T.Ranadive, Promode Dasgupta, M.Basavapunniah, Harkishen Singh Surjeet and others, refused to confess that the Chinese language celebration was flawed in sanctioning an assault on India. One of the astute chronicler of the communist motion in India, Mohit Sen, for example, in his detailed and meticulous memoirs provides an in depth account of how the communists behaved throughout 1962. Sen, then a member of the CPI, who would later stop the celebration and kind his personal political outfit, in his “Traveller and the Street – the journey of an Indian Communist”, writes how Sundarayya got here “armed with maps and archival materials to show that the territorial claims of China had a sound foundation” and harped on his level that the “Chinese language Communists would by no means commit aggression whereas the bourgeois Indian authorities may achieve this to curry favour with the imperialists.”
This faction went round telling their followers that it was “Pandit Nehru who had sanctioned the assault on the Chinese language” to curry favour with the USA” and that the Chinese language had given Nehru a rebuff and had “thereby helped the Communists in India by exposing and weakening their important enemy.” The quickly to be founders of the CPIM, peddled the road that “no matter be the implications, the CPI as a Communist celebration ought to stand with the Chinese language Communists as this was its proletarian internationalist obligation.”
A robust part, thus, inside the CPI, as Sen recalled, “who went on to kind the CPIM believed that the Chinese language Communists had achieved nothing flawed in attacking India.” They “thought that this was not an assault however a defensive motion and that within the not-so-long run the Chinese language motion would assist the advance of the revolution by weakening the facility of the ruling alliance, particularly by knocking down the status of the Congress and its chief Pandit Nehru.”
It’s a unusual irony of destiny that Pandit Nehru’s nice grandson, Rahul Gandhi, who suffers from a poor sense and data of Indian historical past, and his mom, have now pushed Nehru’s celebration to this point left that it now sides with the celebration which had sided with China in 1962 and agreed with the Chinese language line that Nehru needed to be taught a lesson, that he wanted to be humiliated, eliminated “from the political scene” and his “nationwide standing and worldwide stature” wanted to be pulled down!
The acute tug of battle between the Dange faction, which spoke for standing by Nehru, and the opposite faction, led by EMS Namboodiripad, Sundarayya and others, who vociferously articulated the CPC line, exploded out within the open. The scenario additionally uncovered, the duplicitous credentials of many a Communist ideologue. EMS, with out informing Dange, convened a press convention within the CPI workplace and when requested, information Sen, “whether or not he thought the Chinese language had dedicated aggression”, replied that the Chinese language “had entered territory that they thought was theirs and therefore there was no query of aggression as far they had been involved.
On the similar time, the Indians had been defending territory that they thought-about their and they also weren’t committing aggression both.” In the meantime, Dange, barged in and is claimed to have “sarcastically” requested EMS, “and what’s your opinion in regards to the territory in query” and whereas EMS fumbled for a solution, Dange said that the “Chinese language had attacked India, occupied Indian territory and the Communists supported Nehru’s name to the nation to defend itself…” The stalwarts who based the CPIM by no means had India’s curiosity in thoughts, they by no means took a stand in help of India, they usually by no means adopted a stance that may favour India. They’d surrendered to their “internationalist proletarian” commitments and India and her nationwide curiosity didn’t matter.
Sen additionally information that regardless of all his vocal effort to place the CPI aside from the Chinese language line, neither Dange, “nor anyone else went past categorising the Chinese language assault as a mistake and an aberration.” The faction, which had vocally voiced the road that Mao’s China was not the aggressor, “had been conscious of the cavalier, contemptuous and even deceitful method wherein their celebration and its leaders had been handled by Maoists”, that’s, the Maoist institution in China, and but like docile and properly educated mouthpieces of the CPC, continued with making an attempt to mobilise help for it.
Within the years to return, the CPI would once more align itself with the CPIM, turn into subservient to it and proceed as a silent appendage inside the bigger Left Entrance, of which the latter turned an more and more dominant and hegemonistic constituent.
What the CPIM leaders are thus doing in the summertime of 2020, vis-à-vis the Chinese language and the Galwan faceoff, is much like what their founding members and ideologues had achieved, that’s, making an attempt to challenge India has the aggressor and usurper. The one distinction with then and now, is that they discover Nehru’s celebration siding with them.
DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the creator’s personal.